It’s another way in which the balance is off: between human and machine. Data centers are landscapes onto themselves—boxes built for the automation of entire sectors of the economy; stacks of servers, acres long and wide, inhumane in scale and aesthetics; sealed off, fenced-in for security, useless for anything but the empty act of simulacrum. They cannot grow food. They cannot house people. They cannot even sustain themselves for very long (the lifecycle of a server is less than five years). Like us, data centers can only consume—electricity, water, space. At most, they promise to drive the revolution that makes humanity obsolete.
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As Amazon behaves in other sectors of the economy, so it behaves in energy markets. It stops at nothing, neglects no lever of influence or power, and in the end, gets what it wants. In Ohio, it has gained not only massive tax incentives but also deep, undisclosed discounts for its electricity—the power that powers its power. Deals unfolded with almost no transparency and even less public scrutiny and input. In the beginning, Amazon hid its identity, using a subsidiary, Vadata, to conduct private negotiations, even using code names, in correspondence with the state’s privatized economic development entity, JobsOhio, the region’s largest public utility, and state regulators. At any mention of concern, Amazon threatened to take its business to other states, and extracted price concessions, which the public still doesn’t know the value of nearly seven years later.
Some communities hoping for jobs and an economic lift offered free land where Amazon could build. There was little way, and no viable democratic process—public officials negotiated with Amazon in secret, shielded from the state’s sunshine laws—for residents or local officials, or school districts, in more economically strapped regions to question whether Ohio officials and regulators should give tax breaks and preferential electricity rates to a company with a market capitalization in the trillions to bring data centers to the state’s most affluent community. It was decided before locals could object, so they had no choice but to compete to get some piece of the proceeds rather than simply shouldering all the costs.
Consider that even today, retail customers of AEP Ohio are unaware how much their electric bills have inched higher because of its Amazon deal. Amazon claims such information is a “trade secret.” The combination of free handouts and little transparency has attracted other companies, such as Google, Microsoft, and Meta, all of which also get undisclosed discounts on electricity—and all of which banded together in September 2024 to loudly oppose a payment suggested by AEP Ohio to cover the cost of expanding the electrical grid to support them. So everyone else in Ohio, including low-income residents who pay more of their monthly income on energy than affluent households, have been forced to absorb these rising costs to devastating effect: since 2021, AEP has shut off power to 496,368 households for unpaid bills—a number which seems certain to rise as rates for electricity rise. Meanwhile, the richest, most powerful companies in the world continue to get special, undisclosed deals for their electricity. Ordinary Americans, in the language of energy policy wonks, are mere “ratepayers,” and the least influential actors in this opaque regulatory process. As such, they are the least likely to figure out some effective means of resistance, some way to stop this blatant gaming of the system. The process of utility ratemaking—deciding who pays how much for power and where new transmission lines get built—remains a byzantine, muddled process ruled by experts.
There’s an even more pernicious imbalance at work. The regulatory bodies charged with making sure that what you pay for your power is “fair, just, and reasonable for all consumers” have often, and quite easily, been co-opted by industry, or worse, succumbed to double-dealing and outright fraud. Consider that the largest bribery scandal in Ohio’s history involved utility ratemaking, a seemingly staid and uncorruptible process, which is saying something for a state that gave the world Jim Traficant, the Youngstown Congressman ousted for racketeering, bribery, and tax evasion.
The shocking $65 million bribery scheme ended in early 2024 with Sam Randazzo, the former chair of Ohio’s public utility commission, which first approved the Amazon rate deals, found hanging from a rope in an empty warehouse, dead from suicide, as he was faced with a long jail sentence. That scandal—more than $1 billion was offloaded to ratepayers to bail out two failing nuclear power plants—toppled the speaker of Ohio’s Republican-controlled statehouse, Larry Householder. He now lives in a federal prison in Elkton, serving out a 20-year sentence.
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These imbalances of power offer only grim conclusions. The lines from Sunbury to the two substations near New Albany will get built.
The lines will traverse 25 streams, according to environmental studies by the state.
The lines will clear-cut 55 acres of trees.
The lines will cross 47 wetlands and two ponds.
The lines will destroy habitat for the Indiana bat, the northern long-eared bat, the little brown bat, the tricolored bat, and the northern long-eared bat, all endangered or threatened.
It’s another imbalance: the bats need the trees, but the transmission lines need the land. The trees should be “saved wherever possible,” the state’s bureaucrats working for Ohio Department of Nature Resources (ODNR) noted, albeit without much conviction. “If tree removal is unavoidable,” they can still be cut.
The lines will cross within the range of the state-endangered northern harrier hawk, which prefers open habitats and hunts over grasslands. But in the language of officialdom, this hawk is not enough to stop the routes. There will be field inspections, sure. But if habitat is found, it’s not a game-stopper. The ODNR only recommends that “efforts shall be made to minimize impacts.”
The lines will be built. Amazon will use its power to get more power.
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Driving south on the gravel road of the Sunbury substation, I passed onto the idyllic, two-lane country roads of Harlem Township. I saw black cattle grazing in wide open fields and more burned-out row crops withered in the heat. There were silos next to tracts of five-acre homesteads with RVs and campers in long driveways. Trump flags flapping from flag poles. Murals of the former president on the sides of old wooden barns. Signs of his pending victory all around.
In the coming weeks, The Washington Post, now owned by Amazon’s founder Jeff Bezos, would issue a craven and calculated non-endorsement of either presidential candidate. The move was another way of building Amazon’s extraordinary form of power. The company has billions in government and military contracts—and hopes to secure more under a second Trump administration. Amazon already safeguards top secret information for the CIA and for the US military; now, they’re hoping for an $8 billion contract with the Pentagon to modernize military servers and data centers. As the government’s dependency on intelligence-gathering and AI analysis grows, Amazon’s profitability is also growing inseparable from the powerful interests of the US military and the arms industry that sustains it.